(แปลเพื่ออ่านเป็นเอกสารประกอบการเรียน MPA 37 จุฬา ฯ และผู้ที่สนใจอ่านศึกษาเท่านั้น ไม่อนุญาติให้นำไปเผยแพร่ที่เว็บอื่นค่ะ)
LeadMyPath
Saturday, June 30, 2012
การจัดการวิทยาศาสตร์ โดย Frederick W. Taylor
(แปลเพื่ออ่านเป็นเอกสารประกอบการเรียน MPA 37 จุฬา ฯ และผู้ที่สนใจอ่านศึกษาเท่านั้น ไม่อนุญาติให้นำไปเผยแพร่ที่เว็บอื่นค่ะ)
Friday, June 29, 2012
ระบบราชการ โดย Max Weber
MODERN officialdom functions in the following specific manner:
I. There is the principle of fixed and official jurisdictional areas, which are generally ordered by rules, that is, by laws or administrative regulations.
1. The regular activities required for the purposes of the bureaucratically governed structure are distributed in a fixed way as official duties.
2. The authority to give the commands required for the discharge of these duties is distributed in a stable way and is strictly delimited by rules concerning the coercive means, physical, sacerdotal, or otherwise, which may be placed at the disposal of officials.
3. Methodical provision is made for the regular and continuous fulfillment of these duties and for the execution of the corresponding rights; only persons who have the generally regulated qualifications to serve are employed.
In public and lawful government these three elements constitute 'bureaucratic authority.' In private economic domination, they constitute bureaucratic 'management.' Bureaucracy, thus understood, is fully developed in political and ecclesiastical communities only in the modern state, and, in the private economy, only in the most advanced institutions of capitalism. Permanent and public office authority, with fixed jurisdiction, is not the historical rule but rather the exception. This is so even in large political structures such as those of the ancient Orient, the Germanic and Mongolian empires of conquest, or of many feudal structures of state. In all these cases, the ruler executes the most important measures through personal trustees, table-companions, or court-servants. Their commissions and authority are not precisely delimited and are temporarily called into being for each case.
II. The principles of office hierarchy and of levels of graded authority mean a firmly ordered system of super- and subordination in which there is a supervision of the lower offices by the higher ones. Such a system offers the governed the possibility of appealing the decision of a lower office to its higher authority, in a definitely regulated manner. With the full development of the bureaucratic type, the office hierarchy is monocratically organized. The principle of hierarchical office authority is found in all bureaucratic structures: in state and large party organizations and private enterprises. It does not matter for the character of bureaucracy whether its authority is called 'private' or 'public.'
When the principle of jurisdictional 'competency' is fully carried through, hierarchical subordination--at least in public office--does not mean that the 'higher' authority is simply authorized to take over the business of the 'lower.' Indeed, the opposite is the rule. Once established and having fulfilled its task, an office tends to continue in existence and be held by another incumbent.
III. The management of the modern office is based upon written documents ('the files'), which are preserved in their original or draught form. There is, therefore, a staff of subaltern officials and scribes of all sorts. The body of officials actively engaged in a 'public' office, along with the respective apparatus of material implements and the files, make up a 'bureau.' In private enterprise, 'the bureau' is often called 'the office.'
In principle, the modern organization of the civil service separates the bureau from the private domicile of the official, and, in general, bureaucracy segregates official activity as something distinct from the sphere of private life. Public monies and equipment are divorced from the private property of the official. This condition is everywhere the product of a long development. Nowadays, it is found in public as well as in private enterprises; in the latter, the principle extends even to the leading entrepreneur. In principle, the executive office is separated from the household, business from private correspondence, and business assets from private fortunes. The more consistently the modern type of business management has been carried through the more are these separations the case. The beginnings of this process are to be found as early as the Middle Ages.
It is the peculiarity of the modern entrepreneur that he conducts himself as the 'first official' of his enterprise, in the very same way in which the ruler of a specifically modern bureaucratic state spoke of himself as 'the first servant' of the state. The idea that the bureau activities of the state are intrinsically different in character from the management of private economic offices is a continental European notion and, by way of contrast, is totally foreign to the American way.
IV. Office management, at least all specialized office management-- and such management is distinctly modern--usually presupposes thorough and expert training. This increasingly holds for the modern executive and employee of private enterprises, in the same manner as it holds for the state official.
V. When the office is fully developed, official activity demands the full working capacity of the official, irrespective of the fact that his obligatory time in the bureau may be firmly delimited. In the normal case, this is only the product of a long development, in the public as well as in the private office. Formerly, in all cases, the normal state of affairs was reversed: official business was discharged as a secondary activity.
VI. The management of the office follows general rules, which are more or less stable, more or less exhaustive, and which can be learned. Knowledge of these rules represents a special technical learning which the officials possess. It involves jurisprudence, or administrative or business management.
The reduction of modern office management to rules is deeply embedded in its very nature. The theory of modern public administration, for instance, assumes that the authority to order certain matters by decree--which has been legally granted to public authorities--does not entitle the bureau to regulate the matter by commands given for each case, but only to regulate the matter abstractly. This stands in extreme contrast to the regulation of all relationships through individual privileges and bestowals of favor, which is absolutely dominant in patrimonialism, at least in so far as such relationships are not fixed by sacred tradition.
All this results in the following for the internal and external position of the official:
I. Office holding is a 'vocation.' This is shown, first, in the requirement of a firmly prescribed course of training, which demands the entire capacity for work for a long period of time, and in the generally prescribed and special examinations which are prerequisites of employment. Furthermore, the position of the official is in the nature of a duty. This determines the internal structure of his relations, in the following manner: Legally and actually, office holding is not considered a source to be exploited for rents or emoluments, as was normally the case during the Middle Ages and frequently up to the threshold of recent times. Nor is office holding considered a usual exchange of services for equivalents, as is the case with free labor contracts. Entrance into an office, including one in the private economy, is considered an acceptance of a specific obligation of faithful management in return for a secure existence. It is decisive for the specific nature of modern loyalty to an office that, in the pure type, it does not establish a relationship to a person, like the vassal's or disciple's faith in feudal or in patrimonial relations of authority. Modern loyalty is devoted to impersonal and functional purposes. Behind the functional purposes, of course, 'ideas of culture-values' usually stand. These are ersatz for the earthly or supra-mundane personal master: ideas such as 'state,' 'church,' 'community,' 'party,' or 'enterprise' are thought of as being realized in a community; they provide an ideological halo for the master.
The political official -- at least in the fully developed modern state -- is not considered the personal servant of a ruler: Today, the bishop, the priest, and the preacher are in fact no longer, as in early Christian times, holders of purely personal charisma. The supra-mundane and sacred values which they offer are given to everybody who seems to be worthy of them and who asks for them. In former times, such leaders acted upon the personal command of their master; in principle, they were responsible only to him. Nowadays, in spite of the partial survival of the old theory, such religious leaders are officials in the service of a functional purpose, which in the present-day 'church' has become routinized and, in turn, ideologically hallowed.
II. The personal position of the official is patterned in the following way:
1. Whether he is in a private office or a public bureau, the modern official always strives and usually enjoys a distinct social esteem as compared with the governed. His social position is guaranteed by the prescriptive rules of rank order and, for the political official, by special definitions of the criminal code against 'insults of officials' and 'contempt' of state and church authorities.
The actual social position of the official is normally highest, where, as in old civilized countries, the following conditions prevail: a strong demand for administration by trained experts; a strong and stable social differentiation, where the official predominantly derives from socially and economically privileged strata because of the social distribution of power; or where the costliness of the required training and status conventions are binding upon him. The possession of educational certificates--to be discussed elsewhere [2] -- are usually linked with qualification for office. Naturally, such certificates or patents enhance the 'status element' in the social position of the official. For the rest this status factor in individual cases is explicitly and impassively acknowledged; for example, in the prescription that the acceptance or rejection of an aspirant to an official career depends upon the consent ('election') of the members of the official body. This is the case in the German army with the officer corps. Similar phenomena, which promote this guild-like closure of officialdom, are typically found in patrimonial /that is, hereditary/ and, particularly, in prebendal /that is, life-long assignment to officials of rent payments deriving from material goods or land/rent, in compensation for the fulfillment of real or fictitious duties of office/ officialdoms of the past. The desire to resurrect such phenomena in changed forms is by no means infrequent among modern bureaucrats: For instance, they have played a role among the demands of the quite proletarian and expert officials (the tretyj element) during the Russian revolution.
Usually the social esteem of the officials as such is especially low where the demand for expert administration and the dominance of status conventions are weak. This is especially the case in the United States; it is often the case in new settlements by virtue of their wide fields for profit-making and the great instability of their social stratification.
2. The pure type of bureaucratic official is appointed by a superior authority. An official elected by the governed is not a purely bureaucratic figure. Of course, the formal existence of an election does not by itself mean that no appointment hides behind the election -- in the state, especially, appointment by party chiefs. Whether or not this is the case does not depend upon legal statutes but upon the way in which the party mechanism functions. Once firmly organized, the parties can turn a formally free election into the mere acclamation of a candidate designated by the party chief. As a rule, however, a formally free election is turned into a fight, conducted according to definite rules, for votes in favor of one of two designated candidates.
In all circumstances, the designation of officials by means of an election among the governed modifies the strictness of hierarchical subordination. In principle, an official who is so elected has an autonomous position opposite the superordinate official. The elected official does not derive his position 'from above' but 'from below,' or at least not from a superior authority of the official hierarchy but from powerful party men ('bosses'), who also determine his further career. The career of the elected official is not, or at least not primarily, dependent upon his chief in the administration. The official who is not elected but appointed by a chief normally functions more exactly, from a technical point of view, because, all other circumstances being equal, it is more likely that purely functional points of consideration and qualities will determine his selection and career. As laymen, the governed can become acquainted with the extent to which a candidate is expertly qualified for office only in terms of experience, and hence only after his service. Moreover, in every sort of selection of officials by election, parties quite naturally give decisive weight not to expert considerations but to the services a follower renders to the party boss. This holds for all kinds of procurement of officials by elections, for the designation of formally free, elected officials by party bosses when they determine the slate of candidates, or the free appointment by a chief who has himself been elected. The contrast, however, is relative: substantially similar conditions hold where legitimate monarchs and their subordinates appoint officials, except that the influence of the followings are then less controllable.
Where the demand for administration by trained experts is considerable, and the party followings have to recognize an intellectually developed, educated, and freely moving 'public opinion,' the use of unqualified officials falls back upon the party in power at the next election. Naturally, this is more likely to happen when the officials are appointed by the chief. The demand for a trained administration now exists in the United States, but in the large cities, where immigrant votes are 'corralled,' there is, of course, no educated public opinion. Therefore, popular elections of the administrative chief and also of his subordinate officials usually endanger the expert qualification of the official as well as the precise functioning of the bureaucratic mechanism. It also weakens the dependence of the officials upon the hierarchy. This holds at least for the large administrative bodies that are difficult to supervise. The superior qualification and integrity of federal judges, appointed by the President, as over against elected judges in the United States is well known, although both types of officials have been selected primarily in terms of party considerations. The great changes in American metropolitan administrations demanded by reformers have proceeded essentially from elected mayors working with an apparatus of officials who were appointed by them. These reforms have thus come about in a 'Caesarist' fashion. Viewed technically, as an organized form of authority, the efficiency of 'Caesarism,' which often grows out of democracy, rests in general upon the position of the 'Caesar' as a free trustee of the masses (of the army or of the citizenry), who is unfettered by tradition. The 'Caesar' is thus the unrestrained master of a body of highly qualified military officers and officials whom he selects freely and personally without regard to tradition or to any other considerations. This 'rule of the personal genius,' however, stands in contradiction to the formally 'democratic' principle of a universally elected officialdom.
3. Normally, the position of the official is held for life, at least in public bureaucracies; and this is increasingly the case for all similar structures. As a factual rule, tenure for life is presupposed, even where the giving of notice or periodic reappointment occurs. In contrast to the worker in a private enterprise, the official normally holds tenure. Legal or actual life-tenure, however, is not recognized as the official's right to the possession of office, as was the case with many structures of authority in the past. Where legal guarantees against arbitrary dismissal or transfer are developed, they merely serve to guarantee a strictly objective discharge of specific office duties free from all personal considerations. In Germany, this is the case for all juridical and, increasingly, for all administrative officials.
Within the bureaucracy, therefore, the measure of 'independence,' legally guaranteed by tenure, is not always a source of increased status for the official whose position is thus secured. Indeed, often the reverse holds, especially in old cultures and communities that are highly differentiated. In such communities, the stricter the subordination under the arbitrary rule of the master, the more it guarantees the maintenance of the conventional seigniorial style of living for the official. Because of the very absence of these legal guarantees of tenure, the conventional esteem for the official may rise in the same way as, during the Middle Ages, the esteem of the nobility of office [3] rose at the expense of esteem for the freemen, and as the king's judge surpassed that of the people's judge. In Germany, the military officer or the administrative official can be removed from office at any time, or at least far more readily than the 'independent judge,' who never pays with loss of his office for even the grossest offense against the 'code of honor' or against social conventions of the salon. For this very reason, if other things are equal, in the eyes of the master stratum the judge is considered less qualified for social intercourse than are officers and administrative officials, whose greater dependence on the master is a greater guarantee of their conformity with status conventions. Of course, the average official strives for a civil-service law, which would materially secure his old age and provide increased guarantees against his arbitrary removal from office. This striving, however, has its limits. A very strong development of the 'right to the office' naturally makes it more difficult to staff them with regard to technical efficiency, for such a development decreases the career opportunities of ambitious candidates for office. This makes for the fact that officials, on the whole, do not feel their dependency upon those at the top. This lack of a feeling of dependency, however, rests primarily upon the inclination to depend upon one's equals rather than upon the socially inferior and governed strata. The present conservative movement among the Badenia clergy, occasioned by the anxiety of a presumably threatening separation of church and state, has been expressly determined by the desire not to be turned 'from a master into a servant of the parish.' [4]
4. The official receives the regular pecuniary compensation of a normally fixed salary and the old age security provided by a pension. The salary is not measured like a wage in terms of work done, but according to 'status,' that is, according to the kind of function (the 'rank') and, in addition, possibly, according to the length of service. The relatively great security of the official's income, as well as the rewards of social esteem, make the office a sought-after position, especially in countries which no longer provide opportunities for colonial profits. In such countries, this situation permits relatively low salaries for officials.
5. The official is set for a 'career' within the hierarchical order of the public service. He moves from the lower, less important, and lower paid to the higher positions. The average official naturally desires a mechanical fixing of the conditions of promotion: if not of the offices, at least of the salary levels. He wants these conditions fixed in terms of 'seniority,' or possibly according to grades achieved in a developed system of expert examinations. Here and there, such examinations actually form a character indelebilis of the official and have lifelong effects on his career. To this is joined the desire to qualify the right to office and the increasing tendency toward status group closure and economic security: All of this makes for a tendency to consider the offices as 'prebends' of those who are qualified by educational certificates. The necessity of taking general personal and intellectual qualifications into consideration, irrespective of the often subaltern character of the educational certificate, has led to a condition in which the highest political offices, especially the positions of 'ministers,' are principally filled without reference to such certificates.
Friday, January 15, 2010
Organiztion Design: Fashion or Fit? by Henry Mintzberg การออกแบบองค์การ: ตามแฟชั่นหรือต้องเหมาะสม? โดย เฮนรี่ มิ้นซ์เบิร์ก
การออกแบบองค์การ
ตามแฟชั่นหรือต้องเหมาะสม?
เพราะองค์การมีโครงสร้างทางธรรมชาติ ความสอดคล้องในส่วนต่างๆอาจเป็นกุญแจสู่ความสำเร็จทางองค์การ
ทำไมอุตสาหกรรมยานยนต์จึงต้องใช้เวลานานเหลือเกินที่จะปรับตัวสู่การความต้องการรถยนต์ที่เล็กลง ทำไมกลุ่มผู้ผลิตหนังถึงได้ทิ้งบริษัทที่ทำงานร่วมกันไปเริ่มบริษัทตนเอง ทำไมมหาลัยและโรงพยาบาลรัฐหลายแห่งถึงได้ซบเซาภายใต้การควบคุมของรัฐบาล เราสามารถตอบคำถามเหล่านี้ได้หลายวิธี ด้วยเหตุผลหลายประการ แต่เหตุผลธรรมดาเหตุผลหนึ่งสำหรับคำถามทังหมดนี้ ผู้เขียนบทความนี้คงจะบอกได้ว่า คงมีองค์ประกอบบางอย่างในการออกแบบองค์การที่ไม่เหมาะสมอย่างมากต่องาน (task) ระบบการบริการที่เป็นพิธีรีตองเหมือนเครื่องจักรใหญ่ ก็เหมาะกับการผลิตจำนานมากแต่ไม่สามารถปรับเปลี่ยนได้ทันทีทันใดต่อสถานการณ์ใหม่ๆ แผนกผลิตภาพยนคร์พึ่งโครงสร้างที่ยืดหยุ่นได้เพื่อผลิตนวัตกรรมใหม่ ซึ่งยากที่จะสำเร็จได้เมื่อยู่ท่ามกลางบริษัทที่ทำงานร่มกันเป็นกลุ่มก้อนที่ควบคุมการดำเนินงานโดยดูผลเป็นสำคัญ ท้ายที่สุด มหาลัยและโรงพยาบาลรัฐ้องการรูปแบบการควบคุมที่เป็นมืออาชีพที่เหมาะมาตรฐานความขำนาญทางวิชาการที่รัฐบาลมีแนวโน้มที่จะกำหนด
ผู้เขียนบทความนี้ได้พบว่ามีองค์การหลายแห่งที่ใกล้เคียงกับหนึ่งในห้า “รูปแบบ” วึ่งแต่ละกันประกอบไปด้วยส่วนต่างๆของโครงสร้างและสภาวการณ์ เมื่อนักออกแบบองค์การหรือผู้จักการพยายามจับส่วนนั่นมาผสมส่วนนี้ mix and match กลับได้อะไรที่ไม่พอดี เหมือนกับผ้าแต่ละผืนที่ตัดได้แย่มาทำเป็นชุด ก็ไส่ได้ไม่พอดี
Mr Mintzberg เป็นศาสตราจารย์คณะการจัดการที่ Mc
- เครือบริษัทเทคโอเวอร์ผู้ผลิตขนาดเล็กและพยายามที่จะนำเอางบประมาณ แผนการ แผนภูมิองค์การ และระบบอื่นๆนับไม่ถ้วนไปใช้กับมัน ผลที่ตามมาคือ ของการขายและเปลียนแปลงของสินค้าที่ลดลง และเกือบล้มละลาย จนกระทั่ง ผู้จัดการแผนกได้ซื้อบริษัทกลับไปและเปลี่ยนให้ดีขึ้น
- บรรดาผู้ให้คำปรึกษาได้เสนอที่จะแนะนำเทคนิคการจัดการล่าสุดอยู่ไม่หยุดหย่อน หลายปีที่ผ่านมา PERT และ MBO เป็นอะไรที่ทันสมัย ต่อมาก็เป็น LRP และOD ปัจจุบัน เป็นQWL และ ZBB
- รัฐบาลได้ส่งนักวิเคราะห์ไปเพื่อทำให้ระบบโรงเรียน โรงพยาบาล และหน่วยงานประกันสังคมทั่วประเทศดูมีเหตุมีผล เป็นมาตรฐาน และเป็นทางการ ผลที่ได้รับคือหายนะดีๆนี่เอง
เหตุการณ์เหล่านี้ชี้ให้เห็นว่าปัญหาใหญ่หลายๆประการ ของการออกแบบองค์การเกิดจากการสรุปไปเองว่าทุกองค์การก็เหมือนกันหมด การสะสมเล็กๆน้อยๆของส่วนประกอบซึ่งสามารถตัดหรือเพิ่มปัจจัยสำคัญของโครงสร้างเข้าไปได้ตามใจชอบ ก็เป็นเหมือนตลาดนัดทางองค์การ
ข้อสมมติฐานที่ตรงกันข้าม คือความคิดที่ว่า องค์การที่มีประสิทธิภาพได้มาซึ่งความลงตัวในบรรดาส่วนประกอบของมัน โดยองค์การจะไม่เปลี่ยนปัจจัยหนึ่งใดโดยไม่ได้ตระหนักถึงผลที่จะเกิดแก่ปัจจัยอื่นๆ ทั้งนี้ อาณาเขตการควบคุม ระดับการขยายงาน รูปแบบการกระจายสู่ส่วนกลาง ระบบการวางแผน และโครงสร้างทางแมทริก ไม่ควรเลือกโดยการสุ่ม ทางที่ดีกว่านั้น พวกมันควรได้รับการเลือกโดยการจัดกลุ่มอันต่อเนื่องภายใน และการจัดกลุ่มนี้ควรต่อเนื่องกับสภาวการณ์ – อายุและขนาดขององค์การ และเงื่อนไขทางอุตสาหกรรมที่มันดำเนินการอยู่รวมถึงเทคโนโลยีการผลิต โดยแท้ ข้อโต้แย้งของผมคือ – เหมือนกับปรากฎการณ์ทางธรรมชาติทั้งหมดตั้งแต่ อะตอมถึงดวงดาว – ลักษณะเฉพาะขององค์การก็เป็นกลุ่มโดยธรรมชาติ หรือ “รูปแบบ”configuration เมื่อลักษณะเหล่านี้ถูกจับคู่อย่างผิดๆ – เมื่อเอาสิ่งที่ไม่ใช่มารวมกัน- องค์การนั้นๆก็ทำงานไม่มีประสิทธิภาพ ไม่สามารถกลมกลืนกันตามธรรมชาติได้ หากผู้จัดการต้องการออกแบบองค์การที่มีประสิทธิภาพ พวกเขาต้องใส่ใจเรื่องความเหมาะสม (fit)
หากเราดูการค้นคว้าอันมากมายเรื่องการจัดโครงสร้างองค์การเพื่อจุดประกายความคิด ความสับสนทั้งหลายก็จะหดหายไปและการบรรจบอันชัดเจนก็จะเผยขึ้น ฝดดยเฉพาะอย่างยิ่ง รูปแบบอันชัดเจน 5 รูปแบบได้ปรากฎขึ้นโดยมีเอกลักษณ์เฉพาะในโครงสร้าง และสภาวการณ์ที่พบรูปแบบเหล่านี้ แม้แต่เรื่องช่วงเวลาทางประวัติศาตร์ที่มันได้รับการพัฒนาขึ้น ผมขอเรียกมันว่า โครงสร้างธรรมดา ระบบราชการแบบจักรกล ระบบราชการอาชีพ รูปแบบแบ่งแผนก และ adhocracy โดยในบทความนี้ ผมบรรยายรูปแบบเหล่านี้และคำนึงถึงข่าวสารที่มันมีอยู่เพื่อผู้จัดการ
สรุปรูปแบบอย่างคร่าวๆนะคะ
การกำเนิดรูปแบบ
การกำเนิดรูปแบบ
พิจารณาโดยมองว่า Organization ประกอบด้วย
1. Strategic apex
2. Operating core
3. Technostructure
4. Support staff
5. Middle line
1. Simple Structure
ลักษณะ: องค์การแบบ Supervision หรือ ควบคุมงานโดยตรง คือ
- few top manager
- a group of operators
- ไม่เป็นมาตรฐานและทางการเท่าไหร่
- ไม่ค่อยได้ใช้การวางแผน การอบรม การประสานงาน
- ใช้การดูแลควบคุมงานโดยตรงเพื่อให้ strategic apex สำเร็จ
- CE มีอำนาจควบคุม เป็นศูนย์กลาง
Saturday, April 12, 2008
1 Litre of Tears
Aya Kito
That's what she said in her diary..Well...Her pray was answered! Little did she khow that she now become "someone great, whose life inspire million of people. I would love to invite all of you to watch this Japanese serie "1 litre of tears", which is based on a true story of Aya Kito..a girl who had to cope with her teenage life along with a degenerative disease. A disease called Spinocerebellar ataxia which causes the person to lose control over their body, but because the person can retain all mental ability the disease acts as a prison. She kept a diary of not only what she did but how she felt and the hardships she must endure...
I had a chance to read an English version of her diary online and was deeply touched by her attitude and example. I wish I could live my life to the fullest like hers. There are a lot of things in her diary that taught me to live my life that I won't be regret in the future...
Watch "1 litre of tears" serie online with English subtitle
http://www.mysoju.com/1-litre-of-tears/
Saturday, March 1, 2008
Seek to become a blessing
If you are kind, people may accuse you of selfish, ulterior motives. Be kind anyway.
If you are successful, you will win some unfaithful friends and some true enemies. Succeed anyway.
If you are honest and sincere people may deceive you. Be honest and sincere anyway.
What you spend years creating, others could destroy overnight. Create anyway.
If you find serenity and happiness, some may be jealous. Be happy anyway.
The good you do today, will often be forgotten. Do good anyway.
Give the best you have, and it will never be enough. Give your best anyway.
In the final analysis, it is between you and God. It was never between you and them anyway.
-this version is credited to Mother Teresa
I just shared this quote an discussed about it last Tuesday in the institute class I taught. Didn't realize though that there would be something happened to make me repeat this over and over in my mind....People can easily hurt you unintentionally. We love to point finger at others to justify our own behavior. While doing that we often forget that we are judging others as well.
I was judged by others. Was it a just judgment? Was it unjust? Well..It will depends on whose point of view it is. I 've been in the situation like this before and have try to accept the facts and improve myself. However, this time is different ... because the judgment and sentence were delivered to me without a chance to have a trial.
This is something new...something I've never experienced before. My judges clearly pointed out every weakness/failure to do things of mine. It made me understand that their decision was well presumed. I felt like a criminal under the the judges' watching eyes. My question was if I was to be blamed, must those watching eyes got the blame as well? The watching eyes that didn't stop and didn't even help me to be better? Well, most of us would probably answer "no" , since they didn't do anything-"anything single thing" about it at all.
Why would people ignore to make a difference? Deny to help?
Because it's none of our business?
When I was in my mission...there were few times that I was assigned in the ward that is not well organized. Many branches I served, there was no PEC meeting, Ward Council meeting, no one want to help out with missionary. This is considered tough areas. Some of us would just counting our days, waiting for or asking to transfer. In PMG taught me though to leave "any area better than when I find it" I know I was not sent there to retreat to the trials.
If I leave, would the branch survive? I believe so.... since they probably have to cope with their own obstacles. I wouldn't be any much help anyway. I learned that such attitude wouldn't help, but hurt the area more. Just like playing video game, if you cannot pass through any level, there would be substitutes for you to try it all again and again and again... til you pass it. Many choose to quit and start the new game... but sooner or later they will find themselves stuck in the same situation.
"Seek to be a blessing, not a burden" is always the solution.
When we choose to be a blessing, we will find joy in what we are doing..even if it's just a little help.